Eisenhower's Farewell Address: Main Idea

    Eisenhower's Farewell Address: Main Idea

      Eisenhower was all about America, democracy, and (we assume) apple pie.

      But having been Supreme Commander of the Allied forces in Europe, the Supreme commander of NATO, and the Supreme Commander of the United States (a.k.a. president), Ike was well aware of the stakes of the geopolitical game and the dangers that faced the nation.

      His farewell was largely a warning: don't allow special interests, the profit motive, and self-centered cynicism get in the way of America's idealistic mission. Don't spend all the resources that rightfully belong to future generations, and especially don't blow it all on weapons. And always continue to pursue disarmament and eventual peace with the Soviets and anybody else who considers America their enemy.

      Questions

      1. Do you think undue influence over the government by the military-industrial complex has been regulated since Eisenhower left office? If so, how has that been achieved? If not, what could be done to reduce that influence?
      2. How big a military should the United States have? What should its scope of operations be? What would you do regarding the size and power of the military if you were president?
      3. Why did Eisenhower give this speech to the American public instead of to group of weapons industry bigwigs or Congress?
      4. Is there a conflict between Eisenhower's moral ideals for America and his actions as president that involved coup d'états, nuclear threats, and armed conflict?

      Chew On This

      This speech might have been more effective if he had given it to the people actually involved in the arms industry or the military.

      If Eisenhower could see a glimpse of the path America's gone down, he'd shake his head and mutter, "Can't say I didn't (say I didn't) warn you."

      Quotes

      Quote #1

      We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment. (II.1-4)

      Although it's not clear what the fourth major war Ike refers to here was (three of them are WWI, WWII, and the Korean War; see our "Glossary" section for our guess), it's clear that by 1945, the United States stood alone among major powers with the homeland virtually untouched. Other than the attack on Pearl Harbor, the U.S. avoided bombardment and occupation (not to mention nuclear attack at a time when countries in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East were suffering unimaginable loss of industry, infrastructure, and life).

      It's a bummer to think about, but America got a lot of its status and wealth because of those wars, not despite them.

      Quote #2

      Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad. Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology-global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle-with liberty at stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment. (III.1-9)

      This is where Ike lays out the basic premise behind the Cold War from the classic American perspective: America stands for everything good and right. Liberty, dignity, integrity, etc. Communism stands for everything wrong. Whether this simple dualism stands up to scrutiny isn't for us to say, but this quote shows Ike's consistent, and what we would now call traditional, understanding of America's role in the world. And in a lot of ways, it gives his later comments about the military-industrial complex more weight.

      Ike's granddaughter, political analyst Susan Eisenhower, summarized his point about fighting for peace: it isn't a sprint, it's a marathon (source).

      Quote #3

      This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence—economic, political, even spiritual—is felt in every city, every state house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.  

      In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. (IV. 9-15)

      The military-industrial complex is probably the only thing people remember from this speech, and probably all you'll remember few years from now. Notice, though, how late in the speech this main point occurs and how it's surrounded by pro-defense rhetoric. Everyone knew Ike was one of the most lauded military figures in American history. He had unlimited military cred. And yet even he was alert to the dangers that the alliance between military and business interests could cause.

      Well, not could cause; let's say does cause. Case in point: In 2015, the nation's top private defense contractors spent an obscene amount of money lobbying Congress to increase—surprise, surprise—defense spending.

      But when Congress decides to stop making a submarine or fighter jet, do you think the senators or congresspersons from the districts where the factories are located are gonna take no for an answer? Of course not. They know that the loss of jobs will have massive ripple effects on the local economy. When, on the other hand, General Dynamics or Boeing or Pratt and Whitney get a contract for a new class of submarine or fighter plane, it means hundreds of jobs for the company and more money for the local restaurant, retail, and housing businesses.

      Quote #4

      The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded. 

      Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite. (IV. 25-26)

      Although this part of Ike's farewell doesn't usually get as much attention, nowadays it seems just as prescient as his comments about the military-industrial complex.

      If you don't think that science spending is a political issue, just look at how the National Science Foundation has its budget increased or cut depending on who's in power in Congress to see what Ike's talking about. Plus, there's data showing that funding patterns from federal agencies like NSF and NIH favor established researchers, freezing out younger scientists, or investigators that might have innovative ideas but have to stick to "safe" project that will get expected results.

      But when federal funding dries up, researchers may have to turn to private sources of funding. There's lots of evidence that private funding sources, like Big Pharma, can influence the outcome of research studies. Most nutritional research is already funded by major food companies. When Coca-Cola funds studies that find that sugared drinks aren't a cause of obesity, what's the public to think? Can you say "conflict of interest?"

      Quote #5

      To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing inspiration: We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love. (VII. 5-6)

      You can almost hear America the Beautiful playing faintly in the background, an American flag flapping crisply in the summer breeze, overlooking a group of multi-racial children running after an ice-cream truck down their suburban neighborhood street so they can treat a group of homeless veterans to some Klondike bars.

      If anybody could get away with such frank sentimentality, it'd be Ike.